The Operating Model
California does not have a simple revenue problem. It has a long-term efficiency, accountability, and liability problem. Through independent audits, procurement reform, administrative modernization, and prevention-focused investments, California can improve fiscal stability, reduce future costs, and strengthen public services without broad tax increases on working families.
California's long-term fiscal challenges cannot be solved by audits alone. Audits identify waste, duplication, procurement failures, and ineffective programs, but lasting fiscal improvement requires structural reform.
This framework combines four approaches:
The objective is not to eliminate government services. The objective is to improve measurable outcomes while slowing the growth of long-term costs that place pressure on future budgets.
Through strategic cost containment, structural reforms, and private-sector offsets, the campaign's platform is designed to be net-positive for California's taxpayers. Redirection of these funds will build long-term state capacity without broad tax increases.
| Operational Sourcing / Mechanism | Estimated Annual Impact | Source & Analytical Basis |
|---|---|---|
| ECC 1.5% Fair Share Health Contribution | +$500M – $800M | HCAI and UC Berkeley Labor Center data indicate ~1.8 million to 2.1 million employed adult Californians currently receive Medi-Cal while working for employers that do not offer qualifying coverage. Focusing on medium and large employers (exempting small businesses with fewer than 20 workers under the SF HCSO legal precedent), the applicable non-covered wage base is ~$35B–$55B. A 1.5% compliance contribution on that base yields $500M–$800M annually, legally ring-fenced to the Community Health Stabilization Trust to expand local primary care and FQHC clinics. |
| State Registry Non-Compliance Penalty (ECR) | +$200M – $400M | Distinct from the ECC above. A civil enforcement penalty levied specifically on businesses that intentionally evade the State Tax & Labor Compliance Registry (ECR) through fraudulent payroll reporting or worker misclassification. Modeled on California Franchise Tax Board non-filer compliance recovery ($1.8B+ collected annually from high-risk audit targets). Applied at conservative non-compliance audit yields, $200M–$400M is projected. |
| Procurement Reform Savings | +$1.0B – $3.0B | California awarded $16B in state contracts in FY 2023–24 (DGS Consolidated Annual Report). The State Auditor found billions in cost overruns from a single HSR contract due to opaque change-orders and inadequate oversight. Open competitive bidding reforms internationally achieve 10–20% efficiency gains. Applied conservatively at 6–19% of the $16B base = $960M–$3.04B. Rounded to $1B–$3B. |
| Medi-Cal ER Diversion & CalAIM Shared-Savings | +$400M – $900M | HCAI data shows California processes ~11M ER visits annually, with Medi-Cal covering ~35% (~3.85M visits). Research from CHCF and PPIC estimates that 13–18% of adult Medi-Cal emergency department visits are clinically non-emergent. Under a CalAIM-integrated Shared Savings Incentive Model, Medi-Cal managed care plans and participating health systems share audited net Medicaid expenditure savings when non-emergent visits are successfully redirected to primary and urgent care clinics, capturing $400M–$900M in net public savings without threatening safety-net hospital solvency. |
| Wildland Resilience Fee (STR) | +$90M – $175M | CAL FIRE maps ~3M properties in High/Very High Fire Hazard Severity Zones. Airbnb/VRBO platform data suggests ~75,000–90,000 active short-term rental listings operate within those zones. A per-booked-night fee of $10–$15 applied to an average of ~115 booked nights/year = $86M–$155M before admin overhead. Conservatively displayed as $90M–$175M. Revenue is statutorily dedicated to local fire departments and emergency response capacity in the assessed WUI zones. |
| Corporate Residential Vacancy Surcharge | +$300M – $750M | Consistent with the Housing pillar: an escalating annual state surcharge on single-family homes owned by corporate entities (LLCs, REITs, investment funds) that remain unoccupied for 180+ consecutive days. California Dept. of Finance estimates 35,000–65,000 such units are currently held vacant by institutional investors. At an escalating surcharge of $8,000–$12,000/year on the vacant stock = $280M–$780M. Rounded to $300M–$750M. Revenue is directed to the state's affordable housing acquisition fund. |
| Data Center Power Independence | Cost-neutral | Shifts all new clean generation and grid connection costs for commercial data centers directly to developers, preventing ratepayer cost-shifting. Does not generate net revenue but eliminates an estimated $200M–$600M/year in grid upgrade costs that would otherwise land on public utility bills. |
| Back-Office Consolidation | +$500M – $1.5B | California operates ~240,000 state employees; LAO and State Auditor reports document redundant HR, IT, and administrative systems across dozens of agency silos. Merging back-office functions — modeled on the federal government's Shared Services IT consolidation, which documented 10–15% overhead reduction — applied to California's estimated $5B–$10B annual state administrative overhead = $500M–$1.5B. Workers are redeployed into critical frontline vacancies, not laid off. |
Estimated range of redirected/saved funds to build state capacity.
These figures represent directional projections based on publicly available legislative analyses, state auditing records, and academic research. They are not absolute guarantees, but models of potential fiscal impact. Michael Ruiz is committed to commissioning independent, non-partisan actuarial and economic analysis to verify and refine these models upon formal submission to the legislature.
"Every dollar of state spending must prove it either increases California's productive capacity or directly prevents a future crisis liability."
We stop measuring government success by how much money is allocated. If a program cannot demonstrate that it helps retain families, builds infrastructure, or avoids future emergency spending, its funding is frozen.
"Merge administrative, human resource, and technology systems across state departments to eliminate duplicate bureaucratic waste."
California operates dozens of redundant agency silos. State audits and modernization reviews have repeatedly identified duplicative administrative systems, fragmented technology infrastructure, and opportunities to improve operational efficiency across government [Source →]. We establish a dedicated Voluntary State Worker Retraining & Transition Program to enable administrative staff to transition into critical frontline vacancies—such as forestry crews, water treatment operators, and healthcare clinic managers—preserving their compensation, benefits, and seniority while directly boosting public service delivery.
"Mandate transparent, open-bidding digital portals for all public works to stop lobbyist-driven contractor overruns."
Special-interest vendors run up infrastructure budgets through opaque change-orders and backroom lobbying [Source →]. We enforce performance-based grading and real-time public cost dashboards for every contractor.
"Levy a 1.5% payroll compliance surcharge on large employers that fail to provide qualifying health coverage, modeled on the Ninth Circuit HCSO precedent."
When large employers refuse to provide health coverage, their workforce is forced onto public Medi-Cal [Source →] or into emergency rooms [Source →]. Modeled on San Francisco's Ninth Circuit-upheld Health Care Security Ordinance (HCSO), employers can choose between providing qualifying coverage or paying a 1.5% contribution ring-fenced to community health clinics. Small businesses with fewer than 20 employees are fully exempt.
"Shift infrastructure bond offerings from late-stage emergency response to early-stage mitigation and home-hardening."
Every $1 invested in home hardening and fuel management returns $3.75 in avoided disaster recovery costs [Source →]. We prioritize safety capital upfront, funding these investments through procurement reform, operational efficiencies, prevention-focused budgeting, and long-term fiscal stabilization efforts [Source →].
"Require energy-intensive commercial data centers to build or purchase their own new clean generation capacity."
AI data centers cannot overload the public grid at the expense of ratepayers [Source →]. When large industrial loads outpace infrastructure, working families can face higher utility bills and higher transportation energy costs [Source →]. Tech companies must build or buy their own dedicated new clean capacity.
"Standardize modular and prefab housing permits and synchronize new builds directly with utility infrastructure capacity."
Housing is essential infrastructure. By clearing local zoning red tape and matching new residential builds to distributed microgrids [Source →] and water capture basins [Source →], we build housing faster and at a fraction of the cost [Source →].
"Deploy voluntary, paid transitional work crews for public cleanup, park restoration, and civic maintenance."
Instead of paying high-priced administrative networks to manage neglect, we pay recovering or unemployed individuals direct wages to clean up communities—turning public maintenance into structural career pipelines [Source →].
"Restrict public campaign matching resources to candidates who reject corporate PAC contributions and gather small, local donations."
Taxpayer dollars should not subsidize candidates funded by special-interest PACs. Public matching resources should only be unlocked for candidates who rely on small-dollar donations from ordinary local residents, weakening the grip of donor networks [Source →].
"Take critical audits, CEQA exemptions, and zoning overrides directly to voters if the Captured Legislature blocks them."
Representative democracy is broken when donor networks capture the regulators. The ballot initiative process is our safeguard. If special interests block common-sense reforms in Sacramento, we take them to the ballot [Source →].
Economic sustainability requires confronting trade-offs. Here is how we directly answer the hardest attacks on our fiscal operating model.
| Opponent's Attack | The Ruiz Counter-Pivot |
|---|---|
| "Who defines what 'makes sense' or what is a 'net benefit'? This test is subjective and will allow you to unilaterally freeze programs you simply dislike politically." | The metrics are objective: cost per unit delivered, backlog reduction, and processing times. If a housing program spends millions in public money but the housing deficit keeps growing, it fails the test. We define success by public delivery and measurable outcomes, not by political rhetoric or intentions. |
| "By consolidating departments and cutting back-office waste, you are going to lay off thousands of state workers and destroy middle-class public-sector jobs." | We are not eliminating public-sector positions; we are enabling voluntary transitions from duplicative back-office paperwork to high-need frontline agencies. California has severe staffing shortages in forestry crews, park rangers, water operators, clinic administrators, and case managers [Source →]. Through voluntary retraining, seniority protections, and transfer incentives, state workers fill essential vacancies that protect California. |
| "Public contractor performance grading and cost dashboards will lead to endless public nitpicking and scare away top-tier firms from bidding." | Opaqueness is what protects donor-connected contractors who run up budgets through constant change-orders. Standardizing cost transparency and performance scores ensures that only firms that deliver on time and on budget win public contracts. If a firm is afraid of cost visibility, they shouldn't be trusted with public funds. |
| "Your Employer Compliance Surcharge is a disguised tax increase that will drive employers out of California and raise costs for consumers." | It is a fair-share compliance standard modeled on the Ninth Circuit-upheld San Francisco Health Care Security Ordinance (HCSO), not an unvetted payroll tax. Right now, employers who provide comprehensive health coverage are placed at a competitive disadvantage against large low-wage employers who dump their workers onto public Medi-Cal or emergency rooms. Businesses choose either to provide qualifying employee coverage or pay a 1.5% surcharge directly into community health clinics serving their workforce. Small businesses with fewer than 20 employees are fully exempt. |
| "Prevention capital bonds sound nice, but you cannot invest in home-hardening and forest-thinning when the state has a $30+ billion deficit today." | It is a question of priority, not capacity. California already spends enormous sums reacting to preventable disasters and infrastructure failures. Spending after a town burns down is the most expensive way to govern. By enforcing systematic performance audits and modernizing procurement, we can identify inefficiencies, duplicative spending, and lower-priority expenditures that may be redirected toward higher-return prevention investments such as home-hardening and watershed resilience [Source →]. |
| "Forcing AI data centers to build or buy their own clean power will drive technology companies and high-paying tech jobs out of California." | Tech firms cannot run massive AI models by overloading the public grid and shifting infrastructure pressure onto everyone else. Right now, data-center load growth is increasing planning pressure on California's utility system, and customers feel the effects when rates rise. Tech companies need California's talent and market. The rule is simple: if you want to run AI in California, you must build or buy your own clean energy capacity, not rely on the public grid to absorb unchecked demand growth. |
| "Standardizing zoning overrides and modular permits will strip local communities of control and lead to luxury tower development that gentrifies neighborhoods." | Scarcity is what drives corporate hoarding and gentrification. Standardizing approvals for modular and prefab builds lowers construction costs by 30% [Source →]—allowing small local builders to build middle-income housing instead of only developer cartels who can navigate the 5-year CEQA gauntlet. |
| "Using transitional work crews for sanitation and cleanups is low-wage exploitation that undermines public-sector union positions." | You cannot dismiss this essential work. Calling a program that cleans our streets 'exploitation' is an elitist excuse for doing nothing. We should be focusing on what actually matters: restoring civic pride, giving people honest money to earn and live, and helping workers transition back into stable lives [Source →]. Providing real work, structure, and a paycheck to those shut out of the labor market is the definition of dignity, not exploitation. |
| "Public matching resources for campaign financing is a waste of taxpayer dollars that will just fund negative political attack ads." | Matches are restricted and only unlocked if candidates reject corporate PAC contributions and gather small, local donations. This breaks the dependency on corporate donor networks, allowing everyday teachers, nurses, and small operators to run and compete fairly. |
| "Bypassing the legislature via direct ballot initiatives is a dangerous, populist erosion of representative democracy." | Representative democracy is broken when donor networks capture the regulators and lobbyists write the bills. The ballot initiative is a constitutionally guaranteed escape valve. When the legislature serves organized wealth, direct voter action is the final safeguard. |